Related VideosSMASH AND GRABS: Brazen retail robberies have shoppers fearful of shopping in San Francisco's Union
The NeighborhoodLIFT® Program
Need money for a down payment to help you buy a home of your own?
Funded by the Wells Fargo Foundation and managed by NeighborWorks®America and other nonprofit organizations, the NeighborhoodLIFT program helps eligible homebuyers by providing money for down payments.
Homeownership is possible even if you don’t have a lot of savings for the out-of-pocket costs that come with a home purchase.
This program could help you buy a home of your own by reducing the strain of a down payment and closing costs. You may be eligible even if this isn’t your first home purchase.
How NeighborhoodLIFT helps with the down payment
The NeighborhoodLIFT program reduces out-of-pocket costs when buying a home by providing forgivable, interest-free down payment loans with no required payments. Eligible homebuyers use the money from these loans for the down payment and closing costs of a home mortgage.
How does the forgivable loan work? The homebuyer is required to live in the home as a primary residence for at least 5 years. The down payment loan does not need to be repaid – meaning it is forgivable – as long as the home isn’t sold, refinanced, or foreclosed, and the title isn’t transferred during that time.
Eligible homebuyers need to complete HUD-approved homebuyer education, and the home must be located in a designated NeighborhoodLIFT area.
Homebuyers may select to work with Wells Fargo or any NeighborhoodLIFT-approved lender for their home financing needs.
Take the first step
Learn about homeownership, the NeighborhoodLIFT program, and see if you qualify for down payment assistance.
Why choose Wells Fargo for your
Put our experience to work – we’re a leading mortgage lender with options to fit your needs.
You’re not in this alone. We’ll help find a loan that’s right for you and guide you all along the way.
It doesn’t end when you get the keys – we’re here for you as you grow into your new home.
There are some instances where a refinance millennium bank contact number title transfer would not require repayment. Talk to a NeighborhoodLIFT-approved lender to learn more.
The amount of down payment assistance varies by market.
Combined income for all borrowers on the loan cannot exceed the program income limits.
The first mortgage can be financed by any NeighborhoodLIFT program-approved lender.
Down payment assistance cannot be used to purchase bank-owned properties managed by Wells Fargo Premiere Asset Services.
Customers must complete an approved homebuyer education program prior to requesting down payment assistance funds.
The NeighborhoodLIFT® program is a collaboration of Wells Fargo Bank, N.A., Wells Fargo Foundation, and NeighborWorks® America, an independent nonprofit organization.
Employees of Wells Fargo and NeighborWorks America are not eligible to participate in the LIFT programs. This limitation also applies to an employee’s immediate family, including spouses and dependent children, where the employee would have beneficial ownership of the property purchased using the assistance.
Equal Housing Lender
Wells Fargo Home Mortgage is a division of Wells Fargo Bank, N.A.
Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System
Federal Reserve Bank of San Francisco
Mary C. Daly
Federal Reserve Bank of San Francisco
Mary C. Daly took office on October 1, 2018, as president and chief executive officer of the 12th District, Federal Reserve Bank of San Francisco. In 2021, she serves as a voting member of the Federal Open Market Committee.
Prior to her appointment as president, Dr. Daly served as the Bank’s executive vice president and director tyra jamelle moore research.
Dr. Daly’s research focuses on labor market dynamics and the aggregate and distributional impacts of monetary and fiscal policy. She has published work on economic inequality, wage and unemployment dynamics, increasing output through workforce development, and disability and retirement policy.
Dr. Daly black owned banks in san francisco bay area served on the advisory boards of the Congressional Budget Office, the Social Security Administration, the Office of Rehabilitation Research and Training, the Institute of Medicine, and the Library of Congress.
Dr. Daly is a native of Ballwin, Missouri. She earned a bachelor’s degree from the University of Missouri-Kansas City, a master’s degree from the University of Illinois Urbana-Champaign, and a PhD from Syracuse University. She also completed a National Institute of Aging post-doctoral fellowship at Northwestern University.
She is married and resides in the San Francisco Bay Area.
101 Market Street
San Francisco, CA 94105
Head office at San Francisco, California.
Branch Banks at Los Angeles, California; Portland, Oregon; Salt Lake City, Utah; and Seattle, Washington.
Covers the states of Alaska, Arizona, California, Hawaii, Idaho, Nevada, Oregon, Utah, and Washington, and serves American Samoa, Guam, and the Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands.
950 South Grand Avenue, Los Angeles, CA 90015
Terminal Annex - P.O. Box 2077, Los Angeles, CA 90051
Shipping Address - 951 S. Olive St., Los Angeles, CA 90015
1500 SW First Avenue, Portland, OR 97201
P.O. Box 3436, Portland, OR 97208
Salt Lake City
120 South State Street, Salt Lake City, UT 84111
P.O. Box 30780, Salt Lake City, UT 84125
2700 Naches Avenue SW, Renton, WA 98057
P.O. Box 3567, Seattle, WA 98124
List of Directors
|Greg Becker||President and Chief Executive Officer, SVB Financial|
Group and Chief Executive Officer
Silicon Valley Bank
Santa Clara, California
|S. Randolph Compton||Co-Chair of the Board|
Pioneer Trust Bank, N.A.
|Arthur F. Oppenheimer||Chairman and Chief Executive Officer,|
Oppenheimer Companies, Inc. and President
Oppenheimer Development Corporation
|Sanford L. Michelman||Chairman|
Michelman & Robinson, LLP
Los Angeles, California
|Karen Lee||Chief Executive Officer|
Pioneer Human Services
|David P. White||Past CEO, Chief Negotiator, and Strategic Advisor|
SAG-AFTRA, Venture Partner, Ulu Ventures
Los Angeles, Capio partners payment Turner
|Retired President, North California District|
United Parcel Service, Inc.
Tamara L. Lundgren
|Chairman, President, and Chief Executive Officer|
Schnitzer Steel Industries, Inc.
LOS ANGELES BRANCH
|Jack L. Sinclair||Chief Executive Officer|
Sprouts Farmers Market
|Martiza Diaz||Chief Executive Officer|
San Marcos, California
Broadway Financial Corporation
Los Angeles, California
|Theresa Benelli||Executive Director|
|Anita V. Pramoda|
|Chief Executive Officer|
Las Vegas, Nevada
|Mario Cordero||Executive Director|
Port of Long Beach
Long Beach, California
|Carl J.P. Chang||Chief Executive Officer|
Kairos Real Estate Partners
Chairman of the Board
Rancho Santa Margarita, California
|Stacey M.L. Dodson||Market President, Portland and Southwest Washington|
|Maria Pope||President and Chief Executive Officer|
Portland General Electric Company
|Hilary K. Krane||Executive Vice President, Chief Administrative Officer,|
and General Counsel
|Cheryl R. Nester Wolfe||President and Chief Executive Officer|
Salem Health Hospital and Clinics
Cascade Centers, Inc.
Anne C. Kubisch
President and Chief Executive Officer
|Graciela Gomez-Cowger||Chief Executive Officer|
Schwabe, Williamson & Wyatt
SALT LAKE CITY BRANCH
|Lisa Ann Grow||President and Chief Executive Officer|
IdaCorp & Idaho Power
Salt Lake Community College
|Jas Krdzalic||Executive Chairman|
Bodybuilding.com and Vitalize LLC
|Len E. Williams||President and Chief Executive Officer|
American Fork, Utah
|O. Randall Woodbury||President and Chief Executive Officer|
Salt Lake City, Utah
|Russell A. Childs|
|Chief Executive Officer and President|
St. George, Utah
|Susan D. Morris||Executive Vice President and Chief Operations Officer|
|Cheryl B. Fambles||Chief Executive Officer|
Pacific Mountain Workforce Development Council
|Robert C. Donegan||President|
|Carol Gore||President and Chief Executive Officer|
Cook Inlet Housing Authority
|Laura Lee Stewart||President and Chief Executive Officer|
Sound Community Bank and Sound Financial
Stemilt Growers, LLC
|Sheila Edwards Lange||Chancellor|
University of Washington
|John Wolfe||Chief Executive Officer|
Northwest Seaport Alliance
‘The spirit of our ancestry’: how California’s Black Wall Streets are changing their cities
Like hundreds of other shopping districts, Sacramento’s Florin Square had to shut its doors during the pandemic.
The space in California’s state capital is part cultural center and incubator and has been home to Black entrepreneurs since 2003. At the mercy of Covid-19 closures, evolving guidelines and elusive government aid, many similar operations failed to recover, with an estimated 200,000 more small businesses shuttering in 2020 than in the average year.
But, amazingly, out of more than 60 mostly Black-owned businesses in Florin Square, only one had to close for good. The hub’s owner, Tom Donaldson, says this feat is due to its unique approach to entrepreneurship, which has earned Florin Square the title of Sacramento’s Black Wall Street.
Donaldson and his marketing manager, AaronBoyce, say their goal was always to balance “tough love” and high expectations with a grace and guidance rarely afforded to Black business owners.
“The systems in this country create roadblocks to success but not only did our tenants survive the pandemic, they also found a way to thrive and prosper,” said Donaldson.
One of the first things Donaldson did was waive his penalties for late rent payments and look for grants to help struggling businesses. Boyce also helped people increase their online presences.
“We get entrepreneurs coming to us with all kinds of stories about why things in their business aren’t working out, but if they’re not able to serve the community we have to give them some tough love,” Boyce said. “But it’s all a part of the incubation process.’’
Florin Square is just one ofdozens of such districts in the US – from Denver, Colorado, to Baton Rouge, Louisiana – established to support Black entrepreneurs and develop commercial and cultural corridors for Black businesses.
Last summer’s reckoning with racism and inequality has put many of the central issues Black Wall Streets seek to address at the center of the national conversation. Black-owned banks have seen huge investment and can now “leverage that into $1.5bn to serve minority communities”, Robert E James II, chair of the National Bankers Association, told CNN Business recently. Elsewhere, as the #BuyBlack hashtag circulated on social media, US states added directories of Black businesses to their tourism websites and banks promised to address decades of economic racism.
All of this comes in the 100th anniversary year of the massacre in Tulsa, Oklahoma’s Greenwood community, home to the best-known Black Wall Street. Greenwood, and the dozens of other Black Wall Streets that were born during the early 20th century, have long served as aspirational examples of cooperative economics among Black people, who have been shut out of US financial institutions for generations.
“There is a lack of capital in the Black community largely because of discrimination because investors don’t see the value in black businesses,” said Dr Andre Perry, a senior fellow with the Brookings Institution. “Ownership for Black people is more than just gaining financial freedom. This is about developing power.”
Perry says that a host of factors such as housing discrimination, consistently being denied home and business loans, and exclusion from government contracts continue to thwart the growth of Black business and wealth. These factors are also driving the push for Black-owned business corridors and banks where the community can get loans at fair interest rates.
He worries about commitments from large banks and corporations to support Black businesses once national attention wanes.
“I’m a little skeptical of companies that want to give charity but don’t do any internal work in hiring and investing,” Perry added. “When you invest in Black businesses, you’re growing the economy. But it’s not seen that way; Black businesses are the underappreciated assets.”
In California, home to many high-profile Black Wall Streets, business leaders hope that the money that pours into these enterprises will lead to permanent cultural districts akin to Chinatowns and Latino business corridors throughout the state.
“Demographics have changed. Black populations have shrunk a great deal and with that you have the loss of enterprise and growth among Black businesses,” said Dr Michael Carter Sr, founder of Black Wall Street USA (BWSUSA), an organization that has been helping Black entrepreneurs since 1998. “But now is the time to raise our game and have a real positive impact economically. We can come back and own things.”
While Carter was attending college in the early 1990s, he visitedTulsa and learned about the history of the city’s Black Wall Street. After graduation, he returned to Oakland and began rallying local entrepreneurs along International Boulevard on the city’s east side. Since then BWSUSA has helped establish at least 48 other corridors throughout the US and is building a network of entrepreneurs who can share advice and resources.
Sacramento’s Florin Square is one of the most successful BWSUSA affiliates. There are many other Black Wall Streets, both under the BWSUSA umbrella and not, across states at various stages of growth.
“Our modern Black Wall Streets aren’t always about the businesses. They’re about connecting with the spirit of our ancestry,” Carter added.
Going beyond retail
In the San Francisco Bay Area, the organizers of two new Black Wall Streets are hoping to go beyond retail. They want to foster healing among their communities, prevent gun violence, and support Black residents amid rapid gentrification and thrustmaster t150 ffb racing wheel Johnson, 28, a fourth-generation Richmond, California, native, said he had grown up hearing stories about bustling Black-owned jazz clubs, grocery stores and pharmacies throughout the city. These businesses were the cornerstones of communities and staples of local nightlife during the mid-20th century, when Black southerners flocked to port cities like Richmond to work in shipyards. By the time Johnson was born, these crown jewels were distant memories, replaced by new businesses, few of which are owned by Black people.
“By the time I came of age, all of the businesses were boarded up,” Johnson said. He also bore witness to the gradual depletion of the city’s Black population as rents across the region surged. Richmond’s Black population went from 36% in 2000 to 25% in 2010. It now stands at just 20%, according to the most recent census data.
When he found out that a local violence prevention organizer was establishing a Black Wall Street in Richmond, Johnson knew he needed to support the effort.
“I was motivated by the gentrification and seeing Black people being pushed away,” said Bendrick Foster, Richmond Black Wall Street’s founder. “Doing this will allow us to bring unity and empower us and further my mission to help stop gun violence.”
Foster, who is also a Richmond native, began his youth development non-profit, New Life Movement, with a “safe passage” program in a park sandwiched between a high school and middle school. He would get to the playground to clean up needles, alcohol bottles and other paraphernalia so kids would have a clean space to walk through. During the day, he mentored students who were suspended from school, and after school he remained in the park to defuse fights.
The city is selling Richmond to everyone but us. So we're demanding: let us have a piece of Richmond that we can call our ownBendrick Foster
After the Covid-19 pandemic shut down city schools, Foster rented a space in Downtown Richmond and turned it into a hub where students who were struggling with digital learning had access to the internet, laptops and meals that would typically be provided on campuses. Then, early this year, he became a for-profit business owner by opening a cafe and sandwich shop downstairs from his learning hub. Now, he wants to transform the area surrounding his non-profit and cafe into a “center of Black movement”.
“If everyone puts their special gift together – whether it’s selling houses or clothes – it’s gonna be amazing,” Foster said. “We just have to get people to work together, which is unheard of in certain places, especially Richmond, where things can be territorial. Maybe this can be a part of a healing process.”
Foster hopes that with the help and guidance of older Black business “legends”, Richmond Black Wall Street leadership can buy vacant properties downtown and fill them with Black enterprises. He hopes the area eventually grows to mirror Richmond’s 23rd street, a thoroughfare lined with Latino-owned businesses ranging from auto repair shops to dressmakers. However, one major challenge continues to be a lack of property ownership among Black business owners, leaving many vulnerable to surprise rent increases and being pushed out when surrounding areas begin to gentrify.
“The city is selling Richmond to everyone but us, so at this point we’re not jan tarrant photos the city, we’re demanding: let us have a piece of Richmond that we can call our own,” Foster said.
Across the Golden Gate Bridge a group of San Francisco natives, similarly frustrated by the droves of Black residents being pushed out of the city, have createdSF Black Wallstreet to reclaim spaces throughout the city. Like Richmond, in the mid-1900s, San Francisco had a strong Black presence, the city’s Fillmore District was dubbed “Harlem of the West” because of its lively jazz scene. But after decades of disinvestment, the tech boom, and soaring housing prices, the city’s Black community has shrunk from about 11% in 1990 black owned banks in san francisco bay area about 5%, according to census data.
SF Black Wallstreet was established last summer and is headquartered on “Black Millionaire mile” in the city’s historically Black Bayview district. The organization’s first event was a festival on Juneteenth and since then it has shared information about business programs and regular meet-ups in local parks.
“Black Wallstreet began organically. We didn’t have the intention of starting an organization. We were in defense mode,” said Tinisch Hollins, co-founder of SF Black Wallstreet. “Now, we’re focused on building a network and reclaiming all neighborhoods in the city to attract Black businesses.”
“We want equity and wealth distribution. It’s about long-term sustainability.”
SF’s First African American Small Business Loan is Now Open
Funds can be used for machinery and equipment, furniture and fixtures, inventory, working capital (including payroll, rent, other operating expenses), business debt refinance, tenant improvements, and business acquisition in certain circumstances.
Business applicants must:
- Be a for-profit in good standing
- Have a valid San Francisco Business License
- Have a business bank north texas marine used boats (or be prepared to open one)
- Demonstrate an annual revenue of less than $2,500,000
- Be located or returning to the City of San Francisco unless recently relocated due to COVID-19 and relocation occurred on/or before February 2020
To begin the loan application process, visit the San Francisco African American Chamber of Commerce’s page. Apply by August 4.
This program is funded by generous donations to the Give2SF COVID-19 Response and Recovery Fund, a public-private partnership.Contribute here.
A People’s Guide to the San Francisco Bay Area
Rachel Brahinsky and Alexander Tarr
In the long saga of the Bay Area, the East Bay is often cast in a secondary role to the more famous San Francisco. Perhaps best known as the place where UC Berkeley thrives, the East Bay is home to decades of urban and industrial growth that brought the whole region to global prominence under the moniker “San Francisco.” Though much writing on the region follows this line—that San Francisco is the central city of the larger region—we are interested in the ways that the East Bay is also, and has always been, central. At this book’s writing the entire East Bay was experiencing intense and rapid change as Silicon Valley tech firms moved in, and as Oakland sought to fast-track housing development to serve the broader regional economic boom. Meanwhile, the East Bay is home to a broad spectrum of communities, who collectively speak some 125 languages and who have forged social movements that shape national and even international pay my cable bill online comcast, from the Left to the Right.
A Shifting Center
We center many of the stories of this chapter in The Town, which is the affectionate local name for the city of Oakland, but we’ll also take you out to Emeryville, for a quick stroll through Berkeley, and north to the cities of Albany and Richmond. In choosing sites for this chapter, we were interested in broad representation, but we also looked for places that are suggestive of some of the larger struggles of the area, from policing to racial justice, economic development and cycles of displacement. We’re interested in the ways that today’s built environment reveals layers of the past—including important traces of the long history of human habitation prior to the Spanish and Anglo conquests.
As the original terminus of the trans- continental railroad in the nineteenth century, Oakland could have emerged as the socioeconomic powerhouse of the region. Instead, urban developers logged Oakland’s forests and capitalists built wealth around San Francisco’s deep-water port first, leaving Oakland to persist as a “second city” culturally, politically, and economically—even as the two cities shared workers, families, and ecosystems. The 1906 San Francisco quake and fire, which destroyed San Francisco’s downtown and nearby neighborhoods, could have shifted the regional urban core east to Oakland. But even though a large share of San Francisco’s industry and residents black owned banks in san francisco bay area at that time to populate the East Bay—Oakland’s Chinatown expanded, for example—and even though the educational powerhouse of UC Berkeley fostered generations of public intellectuals and planted the seeds of activist movements with global influence, San Francisco remained the capital city of the region.
Two of the key drivers of this ongoing dynamic are the wicked problems of race and class. Race-class exclusions drove post–World War II disinvestment, which meant that capitalist and middle-class wealth withdrew from Oakland. This flight-by-capital left the once-vibrant downtown relatively vacant for decades and weakened the urban tax base, even as urban-fringe neighborhoods boomed. By the 1960s, African Americans had made Oakland a central home, having been both displaced by San Francisco’s redevelopment of the Fillmore District and excluded from East Bay suburbs. At the same time, Oakland leaders also pursued urban redevelopment, uprooting those same communities to make way for free- ways and mega-developments. These projects improved regional mobility, but they left gaping wounds in the cityscape across Oakland’s multiracial working-class com- munities, disproportionately hitting Black, and later Latinx, homes and businesses.
These urban rearrangements intersected with the social configurations of the time. Before WWII, white violence was, at its most extreme, embodied by the Ku Klux Klan’s growth in Oakland and the island city of Alameda. After WWII it continued in the practices of the police and sheriff departments. The counterforce of groups like the Black Panther Party and the Brown Berets emerged in part as a response to those conditions—and more. Though pop culture narratives tend to remember them for posing with guns in front of Oakland City Hall, for example, the Panthers’ “Ten Point Platform” included an emphasis on universal literacy and feeding people. It was a stance that emerged out of members’ everyday experiences of poverty and over-policing in The Town. These politics also grew from members’ intellectual investigations that crossed urban borders through- out the East Bay, with the public university and college systems playing a fundamental role in offering young people the chance to develop their ideas, and with intersecting social movements—including South Asian, Chicano, and labor movements—all learning from each other and in some cases joining together to demand better education at UC Berkeley and beyond. These earlier struggles set the stage for today’s Oakland and greater East Bay, in which the collective lived experience of people, across ethnic and racial lines, includes the apparent paradox of deep poverty alongside the riches of successive booms. With each force comes a counterforce.
Community struggles over access to affordable and safe housing offer a lesson in the complexity of the East Bay and its place in the region. In the 2010s, for example, the cost of housing rose sharply, housing development didn’t match job creation, and new proposals lacked sufficient affordable housing or enough protection for vulnerable residents in redeveloped neighborhoods. Oakland moved from the police blotter to the travel section of big city papers in the 2000s, and its reputation was reshaped by commercial boosters who encouraged a renaissance of new, young transplants to the area. But the housing crisis of the gentrification era was a problem with deeper historical roots. Outside of the urban cores, much (though not all) of the East Bay was first developed as a series of low-density urban-fringe neighborhoods, initiating a pattern of housing inequity that remains. Meanwhile, the capital that fled the Oakland core fifty years ago has returned quite unevenly.
Wealth’s renewed interest in Oakland has meant that some areas are receiving much-needed upgrades to dilapidated housing and commercial building stock, as well as city services, but often in forms that push out longtime Oaklanders, sparking revivals of housing-centered social movements. In fact, community members’ efforts to remain in their homes and neighborhoods are central to their role in making the East Bay. Indeed, the East Bay’s legacy of political organizing and creativity is quite alive, and community organizations have pushed for a vision of “development without displacement,” motivating a regional coalition to push for expansions of state and local rent protections, widening the geography of protest and struggle. These efforts intersect with energized local campaigns in many Bay Area cities, including the relatively small city of Richmond to the north. There, a long-growing progressive coalition turned ideals into pragmatic policy. Aiming to curb the toxic impact of local refineries, Richmond residents organized to raise the local minimum wage, bought back guns to remove them from the streets, and threatened the use of eminent domain (which is the city’s power to retake private property) as a way to help stop foreclosure-related displacement.
The stories of housing struggles thus link to the larger challenges of urban life and the balancing act between encouraging needed investment and supporting existing communities. With that in mind, this chapter raises issues and tells stories that are rooted in place, but tries to do so in a way that treads lightly on the very same landscapes that we find so interesting; we are aware of the mixed blessings of tourist attentions.
There are many other stories and paths that we trace in this chapter, stories of culture and art, innovations in everyday life, and long-buried histories that come to light. For us it adds up to this: it’s time to see and listen to the East Bay. Listen to the stories of the people who have built and fostered its many cultures and communities, giving these cities their character and sense of place. Dig deeper to understand public service credit union atm near me geographies that make and continue to remake these places from the ground up.
1500 Block of Adeline Street
Adeline Street Between 14th and 15th Streets, Oakland 94607
The fallout from the foreclosure crisis of the 2000s is written in the streets of Oakland. Much of that story is a painful one of displacement, but there are some important legacies of community organizing and resistance, and this block of West Oakland represents one epicenter for organizing where some residents used mass community pressure to save their homes. On December 6, 2011, for example, Adeline Street resident Gayla Newsome decided to put the rallying cry of a nationwide “Occupy Our Homes Day” into action. Together with a group of about a hundred activists from Occupy Oakland and ACCE (Alliance of Californians for Community Empowerment), Newsome and her three daughters successfully reclaimed their home of fifteen years, which was under active foreclosure. The family lived on this block, at the heart of one of the amazon work from home jobs nyc contested residential spaces of West Oakland, where waves of eviction and foreclosure compounded upon decades of disinvestment. We’re not including her exact address here to maintain residential privacy.
Between 2005 and 2015, banks foreclosed on well over twenty thousand homes across Oakland, according to research by the Anti-Eviction Mapping Project (AEMP). The mass evictions of small property owners and renters that ensued were largely the result of predatory lending practices actively targeting low-income communities of color, as was later widely uncovered by researchers across the country. A report conducted by the nonprofit Urban Strategies Council in 2011 found that 42 percent of homes foreclosed in Oakland between 2007 and 2011 were acquired by large institutional investors, many of whom are based outside of Oakland. Some of them had previously been mortgage brokers, meaning they not only had access to valuable insider knowledge, but might have also played a part in creating the crisis in the first place. Others would later be prosecuted by the FBI for conspiring to rig black owned banks in san francisco bay area auctions in their own favor.
West Oakland saw a thick concentration of foreclosures and large-investor accumulation. Neill Sullivan’s REO Homes LLC, for example, snapped up over one hundred fore- closed homes in West Oakland alone. Sullivan focused on single-family homes, which are exempt from rent control by California state law; he followed those acquisitions with a round of evictions, serving 357 eviction notices between 2010 and 2016, according to public Rent Board data collected by AEMP researchers. The evictions helped clear the way for a neighborhood rebranding as West Oakland was sold as the “eclectic West Side” and the “new edge of Silicon Valley.”
Even as investors like Sullivan were taking control of the neighborhood, activists turned their energy toward the foreclosures and joined in to support Newsome and other neighborhood leaders. They formed the Foreclosure Defense Group, which sought to disrupt foreclosure auctions black owned banks in san francisco bay area the Alameda County Courthouse. The group worked to reclaim the homes of community members through direct action by reoccupying emptied homes; they would initiate a campaign of community pressure, garnering media attention and rallying a mass phone campaign to pressure the banks. Newsome’s home on Adeline Street was one of the success stories of this tactic. Organizers also used the foreclosure activism as a base-building effort, which meant that each home they reoccupied was an opportunity to knock on doors and talk to neighbors. Through this process they sought to develop stronger networks for community solidarity and support. (Section authored by Katja Schwaller)
1 Buchanan Street, Albany, CA 94706
The Albany Bulb is a place literally made from the ruins of Bay Area urbanization. This former landfill turned quasi-public park represents the alternative lives that capitalist cities inevitably produce through redevelopment and continual creation of consumer detritus. At the same time, the Albany Bulb is a phenomenally beautiful place to visit and offers a fascinating story about a Bay Area place that remains a bit less regulated and controlled than just about everywhere else.
Views from every corner of this park provide a panorama of the region. San Francisco looms misty and dreamlike across the bay. The trails teem with a wild mix of grasses, flowers, overgrown fennel—and art. Freestanding murals once dotted the edge of the marshy shoreline, and a mix black owned banks in san francisco bay area large sculpture and other installations, all of which can change year to year, is typically scattered throughout the park. The space has also often been home to people—disaffected, houseless, seeking connection that they couldn’t find in the urbanized parts of the region—those who, long before the Occupy movement, found ways to reclaim and reuse public spaces.
For many years the city of Albany used this site to dump construction debris and municipal waste. The result was a thirty- one-acre lollipop-shaped peninsula colloquially known as the Bulb, with a landscape of twisted metal, slag left over from nearby mining, rusty pipes, and chunks of redeveloped streets, sometimes retaining their yellow lane-stripes. The landfill that produced the Bulb was one of several major sites along the East Bay waterfront that inspired the creation of the environmental nonprofit Save the Bay, which targeted the Bulb’s land- fill for closure in the early 1980s. The closing of the landfill in 1983 both created an opportunity for artists and coincided with the modern period of rising homelessness, so it is no surprise that people without homes adopted its knolls and tucks as their own. In between the chaotic beauty of wildflowers and trash-turned-art, people built outdoor kitchens, small homes from driftwood, and other shelter.
A move to incorporate the Bulb into the larger McLaughlin Eastshore State Park—named for Save the Bay cofounder Sylvia McLaughlin—has been underway since the early 2000s. This shift toward park formalization has raised the challenging question of which public has the right to use the space as they want. Those who found shelter here note that they improved the land, having built many of the long-used trails and gardens. City and state officials argue they must enforce regulations against overnight camping and off-leash dogs. Artists and hikers often enjoy the place for its unregulated surprises. The struggle has inspired feisty artistic responses to the exercise of state power. In 1999, for example, the landfill’s residents faced a highly publicized eviction. After the eviction, artists erected a monument to the homeless: a massive pile of shopping carts that was later mined for sculptural work across the park. However, in solana the most definitive of the many rounds of eviction took place, with the city paying people to leave with the signed promise of never returning.
Creative resistance to formalize the landscape into a planned conservation district has been taken up by the nonprofit Love the Bulb, which organizes art and cultural programming and walking tours that emphasize the unregulated nature of the place. Free-range artists continue to make and remake the place. Enter from the parking lot at the end of Buchanan, near the Golden Gate Fields racetrack; bring extra layers, as it’s typically colder out on the Bulb than in the parking lot.
Berkeley High School
1980 Allston Way, Berkeley 94704
Infuriatingly, many US schools are more segregated now than any time since the end of the Jim Crow era, a fact that undermines the narrative of civil rights progress that many hold dear. That’s part of what makes the Berkeley High School story unique. Back in 1994, the New York Times labeled Berkeley High the “most integrated school in America.” The school reflected the city’s diverse population, making the institution fertile ground for political and cultural debate and home to the country’s first and longest- running high school African American studies department. But all of this did not come easily—even in Berkeley. It was hard fought, and keeping programs like this alive continues to be a conscious struggle in a rapidly changing Bay Area.
In the heat of the civil rights struggle, Berkeley Unified School District launched a 1968 desegregation campaign titled Integration ’68 and became one of the first districts in the country to voluntarily integrate its elementary and middle schools by busing children of color from neighborhoods in the south and west areas of the city to schools in the overwhelmingly white north and east, and vice versa. The impact of the busing tactic here, as across the country, was mixed, and it was hard for parents to remain involved or feel that their kids were learning in culturally appropriate ways. Although the busing program was not aimed directly at Berkeley High, the new racial landscape profoundly impacted education there. That same year, educators inspired both by the national call for Afrocentric education (see Nairobi School System, p. 104), and by the intersecting struggles of the Free Speech and Ethnic Studies movements underway at the college level, founded African American studies at Berkeley High. The school was already racially integrated, but it lacked an inclusive curriculum, and educators sought to give Berkeley’s students a sense of racial equity that busing could not address. This was part of a wave of new Black studies and African American economics curricula at Bay Area institutions, from grade schools to universities.
At its height, Berkeley High’s program offered courses in African American literature and history, the Black Social Experience (later to be called Black Male-Female Relations), Black Psychology, African American Economics, and African-Haitian Dance. Students took Kiswahili language courses, and enrolled in a youth empowerment class called Black Soul, Black Gold, Black Dynamite. The program produced its own newspaper, Ujama. Inspired by this legacy, in the early 1990s students successfully pushed to expand this programming to include Chicano and Asian American studies courses. Implementation of this programming, however, has always been contested by more conservative residents and administrators, in what the Reverend Robert McKnight, former teacher and chair of African American studies, has described as a “perpetual struggle” to maintain the programming.
The social and racial justice activism of the student body has chase business ink preferred customer service a corner- stone of the school’s identity. In 2000, a group of immigrant students—primarily South Asian girls—formed a group called Cultural Unity to reflect the diversity of the English Language Learner student body and to highlight their relative isolation within it. In the months after 9/11, harassment of Muslim and Sikh students increased, with two documented on-campus assaults on Cultural Unity members. In response, South Asian students wrote and published a short book of stories and poetry for use in the school’s curriculum. They also organized free legal clinics for the local Muslim com- munity and organized “Unity Assemblies” that emphasized cultural performance and cross-cultural political dialogue. The legacy of diversity and struggle at Berkeley High is commemorated in visible ways. One can begin by visiting the utility boxes along the perimeter of the high school, illustrated by the Arts and Humanities Academy Class
of 2012, which depict some of the school’s famed activist alumni, including Black Panther Bobby Seale, writers Ursula K. Le Guin and Chinaka Hodge, as well as musicians Phil Lesh and Joshua Redman. (Section authored by Diana Negrín da Silva)
Black Cultural Zone
2277 International Boulevard, Oakland 94606
In the mid-2010s, the artists and activists connected to the nonprofit East Side Arts Alliance began work on establishing Black Cultural Zones (BCZ), conceived as a series of “safe Black spaces” at points served by new pod save america listen lines along International Boulevard, as well as the MacArthur and Bancroft neighborhoods. This effort was a response to the ongoing outmigration of Black people from Oakland. The International Boulevard corridor is the commercial and cultural heart of the racially and ethnically heterogeneous neighborhoods of East Oakland, stretching from Lake Merritt to the southern border of Oakland (the street continues, under other names, through several cities). More broadly, East Oakland, often overshadowed by the dynamics of downtown and West Oakland, has become known for creative approaches to urban change, including a much-lauded program of transit-oriented development that specifically guarded against displacement around the Fruitvale BART station. The Black Cultural Zone is another such effort, an example of proactive grassroots planning to prevent further displacement of residents and what are now commonly known as “legacy businesses.”
The effort grew out of cultural work that dates back to 2000, when four arts organizations in this area organized the first Malcolm X Jazz Arts Festival, an annual May event in San Antonio Park (1701 E. 19th Street), featuring local and visiting musicians alongside graffiti battles, dance performances, and booths representing local crafts and community organizations. The East Side Arts Alliance (ESAA, 2277 International Blvd.) was born from that first festival, positioning itself as a voice in local politics, advocating for “development without displacement” in city government meetings, and securing properties in East Oakland through nonprofit and grassroots partnerships. The organization bought its own building, offering a counterpoint to gentrification in the area by incorporating affordable housing into its art-and-politics organizational structure. When the city developed a new bus rapid transit route along International Boulevard, ESAA secured foundation grants and city support to help align the transit corridor with the values and experiences of longtime residents. Building on these efforts, the Black Cultural Zone project envisions a shift in Oakland’s land use that highlights the economic and cultural resources of long- time residents as a platform for equitable development. Working with neighborhood partners, the BCZ will be integrated into new public plazas that will partner with existing businesses, nonprofits, and religious institutions as well as new mixed-use developments with below-market housing. At this writing, the large historic building that once served as the headquarters for Safeway, at the intersection of International Boulevard and 57th Avenue, had been proposed as the BCZ’s geographic hub. (Section authored by Diana Negrín da Silva)
“Black Panther Park” (Dover Park)
Dover Street, between 57th and 58th Streets, Oakland 94609
Tucked behind the former Merritt College site on Martin Luther King Jr. Way, this is one of many places associated with the creation of the Black Panther Party (BPP) in 1966. BPP founders Bobby Seale and Huey Newton lived and studied together in this neighborhood before forging, with many others, the vision for Black liberation codified in the party’s Ten Point Program. Their political message, a response to the conditions of this neighborhood and others like it at the time, spoke of transforming power relations with the police, uplifting Black people, and providing for the basic needs of everyday Oaklanders.
Serving as a framework for the party as it expanded from its Oakland roots, the program articulated a set of baseline beliefs that shaped the politics of the organization while inspiring others around the world. “We want freedom. We want power to determine the destiny of our Black Community,” they wrote. “We want land, bread, housing, education, clothing, justice and peace.” Under this banner, they created free breakfast programs for kids, and international solidarity with other working-class people, across racial lines. The community college where they polished these ideas, and where they anchored some of their early community- organizing efforts, was relocated in 1960; the building on that site is now a senior center.
By the fiftieth anniversary of the BPP’s founding in 2016, things had changed significantly in the Bushrod, which is one of a few names for the neighborhood surrounding Dover Park. By chase hsa account login the real estate website Redfin had labeled it the hottest neighbor- hood for housing sales in the country. This shift in the neighborhood’s fortunes came not long after chase business ink preferred customer service created a gang-injunction zone in the area, which Restorative Justice (RJ) activists used to show the connections between policing and real estate speculation. They showed, for example, that the decreased visibility of young men of color on local streets and the increased police presence (both of which were produced by the gang injunction) fed into the intensified marketing of the neighborhood as “safe” to new home buyers.
Traces of the political history of the area remain in the landscape, and Dover Park continues to maintain and reinvigorate the message of Black Panther black owned banks in san francisco bay area. Since 2010, Dover Park has served as host to the Phat Beets food justice collective, which merges urban agriculture with social justice organizing, maintaining an edible public garden here. The garden circles the park with fruit trees, vegetables, herbs, and native plants, labeled to serve as tools of beautification, education, and public engagement. The food grown here has at times gone to support Aunti Frances’s Love Mission Self Help Hunger Program, a local group that cooks free meals in nearby Driver Plaza at the intersection of Adeline, Stanford, and 61st Streets. Aunti Frances’s program is one of many organizations around Oakland that was explicitly inspired by the BPP’s call for self-help on a community scale. Frances has said that she learned the value of community care and organizing as a child, when she personally benefited from the BPP’s free breakfast programs.
Black.Seed Demonstration, one expression of #BlackLives Matter
San Francisco Bay Bridge, just east of Yerba Buena Island
210 Burma Road, Oakland 94607
(This is the parking lot with closest access to the bike/walk trail on the bridge.)
On Martin Luther King Jr. Day in 2016, west- bound traffic on the San Francisco–Oakland Bay Bridge came to a halt. Activists— chained together to block the road—raised their fists and displayed a banner declaring “Black Health Matters.” To see this site, you should not stop in a vehicle on the car lanes of the Bay Bridge. But you can get close to it via the bike and pedestrian path that runs from Oakland’s industrial waterfront along the bridge to Yerba Buena Island. You may want to bike, bus, or drive all the way onto the island, where you can look back at the eastern span of the bridge from Forest Road. From there you can get a sense of the impact that a takeover of the bridge would have, with all six westbound lanes blocked in the middle of the afternoon.
The 2016 demonstration was led largely by gender-queer African American activists and their allies affiliated with Black.Seed, one of many groups that formed in the first few years of the Black Lives Matter movement. The group coordinated their entry to the bridge through the East Bay car toll- gates. Once they stopped, they chained their bodies to each other through the cars to create a true barrier across every lane. Posing with their sign about Black health, they sought media attention to shift the public dialogue.
The name of the larger struggle—Black Lives Matter—was born from a social media post coauthored by Bay Area activist Alicia Garza, who cofounded that movement in 2013 in the wake of the acquittal of the killer of young Trayvon Martin in Florida. Soon after, transit and transportation disruptions across the nation sought to draw public attention to the problems of overpolicing, mass incarceration, police killings, and health disparities in the Black community. Drawing from the civil rights playbook, activists employed the strategy of reaching the public as they engaged in everyday activities; with their urgent message about the value of African American life, activists blocked highways from Minnesota to Dallas. In Oakland a shutdown of the West Oakland BART station in 2014 stymied trans-bay trains for four and a half hours to remind the public of the police killing of Michael Brown in Ferguson, Missouri, after which police left Brown’s corpse on the street for more than four hours. Others took speeches and poetry on Sundays to restaurants around the bay in predominantly white neighborhoods as part of a “Black Brunch” action.
The Black.Seed bridge takeover brought together many of these concerns. The group issued a set of demands, including “the immediate divestment of city funds for policing and investment in sustainable, affordable housing so Black, Brown and Indigenous people can remain in their hometowns of Oakland and San Francisco.” They also called for the firing of officers involved in police killings locally—including that of Mario Woods, Richard Perkins, Yuvette Henderson, Amilcar Lopez, Alex Nieto, Demouriah Hogg, Richard Linyard, and O’Shaine Evans—and for the resignation of mayors and police chiefs who failed to hold officers accountable for shooting residents. They weren’t the only ones calling for this, and San Francisco’s police chief resigned under pressure a few black owned banks in san francisco bay area later.
While you’re here, we’ll note that the views on this four-and-a-half-mile bridge are incredible, but they come at significant financial and social cost. The state rebuilt the eastern span of the bridge in the 2010s to replace a 1936 structure that had been a source of concern since its dramatic partial collapse during the 1989 Loma Prieta earth- quake. Completed in 2015, the eastern span went far over budget, costing $6.5 billion to date. The new span has its own structural problems, however, and more spending has been required for repairs and adjustments to ensure the stability of the span when we face the next big earthquake.
Frances Albrier Community Center
2800 Park Street, Berkeley 94702
San Pablo Park’s Community Center commemorates the life of African American activist Frances Albrier as part of the long and rich history of cross-class multi-ethnic culture, community, and social struggle in South Berkeley. Albrier’s life story sheds light on the character of her neighbors, who fostered a strong sense of community that was often forged in the sports fields of San Pablo Park.
Born in 1898, Albrier grew up in Alabama with her grandmother, a former enslaved woman and midwife who cared deeply about education. Albrier’s grandmother was a founding supporter of the Tuskegee Institute, the prominent Black school where Frances studied before joining her father in Berkeley in 1920. She received further is publix open today christmas day as a nurse, married, and settled into a house nearby at 1621 Oregon Street to raise her three children. Racial discrimination prevented Albrier from securing work as a nurse, but she later found employment with the Pullman train company and became active in a labor union. Having been refused a job as a welder at the Kaiser shipyards in Richmond (although she had twice the hours of training needed), Albrier leveraged her knowledge of a new federal anti-discrimination law to pressure Kaiser. She won and began work as the first Black woman welder in 1942. Her persistence helped pave the way for thousands of African American and women workers to get better-paying jobs in the shipyards (see Rosie the Riveter Monument and National Park, p. 65).
Outside of her own workplaces, Albrier engaged in a series of campaigns to challenge discrimination and social injustice. She organized a women’s club that pressured the Berkeley schools to hire the first Black teacher at nearby Longfellow School. She initiated a “Don’t Buy Where You Can’t Work Campaign” at Sacramento and Ashby—just a few blocks from San Pablo Park—that pushed local shopkeepers to hire Black employees. She was the first African American to run for Berkeley City Council in 1939. She didn’t win, but she went on to hold prominent positions in the local and statewide Democratic Party and served on Berkeley’s Model Cities program, which brought federal community-development dollars to South Berkeley.
Albrier was a powerful person and leader, but she was also a product of a remarkable community. Byron Rumford lived nearby at Acton and Russell. His Sacramento Street pharmacy became a neighborhood institution, and in 1948 Rumford became Northern California’s first Black elected official when he won a seat in the state assembly through
the work of an alliance of African Americans, progressive labor unions, and liberals of all ethnicities. He leveraged these coalitions to pass landmark state legislation for fair employment in 1959 and fair housing in 1963. A statue of Rumford by sculptor Dana King stands in the median on Sacramento Avenue, near his former pharmacy.
Berkeley’s Japanese American community was centered just east of this area in a thriving community with dozens of organizations, churches, and cultural groups. During WWII the federal government incarcerated more than thirteen hundred Japanese American Berkeley residents. Under Albrier’s and Rumford’s leadership, Berkeley’s Interracial Committee protested war- time treatment black owned banks in san francisco bay area Japanese Americans, and some entrusted the deeds to their homes to Albrier while they lived behind barbed wire. (Section authored by Donna Graves)
3900 Martin Luther King Jr. Way, Oakland 94609
The East Bay offers a strong counter to the notion that the age of independent booksellers is over. Between Oakland and Berkeley alone, an array of independently owned and operated stores and small local chains serve niche audiences and the broader community alike. Marcus Books holds a special place on this list as the oldest continuously operating Black-owned and operated bookstore in the United States. Marcus was founded in 1960 by Julian and Raye Richardson as the Success Book Company in San Francisco. The institution was part of a wave of Black book- stores that opened in the 1960s and 1970s, offering access to books by and about people of the African diaspora, including information absent or scarce in other bookstores, public libraries, and schools. The spread of books by W.E.B. DuBois, Toni Morrison, Frantz Fanon, and many others provided intellectual foundations for transformations in Black community consciousness.
The Richardsons opened the original Success Book Company in the front of their independent San Francisco printing shop, where they published writers who were shut out of the white-dominated publishing industry or whose work was difficult to find. Julian Richardson published Marcus Garvey’s Philosophy and Opinions in 1966 after discovering that it had been out of print for forty years. He also printed two influential literary magazines of the Black Arts movement, Black Dialogue and the Journal of Black Poetry, and published a number of books of poetry under his own imprint. The bookstore–print shop was a hub for Black artistic and cultural activity in San Francisco, hosting events and political meetings, playing an active role in local political struggles.
In 1970 the Richardsons opened a second location in Berkeley and changed the name to Marcus Books, after Garvey. The East Bay expansion allowed Marcus Books to conduct business with schools and other large institutions in Alameda County, such as prisons and social service facilities, according to a 1978 interview with Julian Richardson. They moved the East Bay store from Berkeley to its current site in Oakland in 1976. The new location was around the corner from the recently opened MacArthur BART station and close to the first storefront location of the East Bay Negro Historical Society (the earliest predecessor of the African American Museum and Library of Oakland). This new location was central to political activity in the neighborhoods of North and West Oakland as well as downtown.
Meanwhile, the San Francisco location moved to the heart of the Fillmore district in 1980, to Victorian Square, a small cluster of buildings that had been rescued from the redevelopment bulldozers some years earlier. In 2014, after a long community struggle to save it, the San Francisco location at 1712 Fillmore shuttered. The Oakland location remains and stocks a catalog of Black books in all genres and hosts events on-site and in partnership with other organizations. Even amid the Black outmigration of the 1990s and 2000s that has changed Oakland’s demography dramatically, and after financial troubles that plagued the store for some time, Marcus Books remains rooted here on MLK Way. (Section authored by Simon Abramowitsch)
Notes: Excerpt taken from A People’s Guide to the SF Bay Area(UC Press, 2020)
The majority of this book is written by Rachel Brahinsky, Alexander Tarr, or the two of us together. Our individual and collective work has no additional byline. We are honored to also include the contributions of a wonderful group of Bay Area geographers, researchers, and public historians. Their names are black owned banks in san francisco bay area at the end of any site entry that they authored or contributed to, with the caveat that we have edited the whole book for consistency.
© 2020 by Rachel Brahinsky and Alexander Tarr; used with permission by University of California Press. This is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License (CC-BY 4.0), which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author and source are credited. See http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/.
Every year, B Lab recognizes the top-performing B Corps creating the greatest impact through their businesses. These B Corps are named Best for the World as their verified scores in the five impact areas evaluated on the B Impact Assessment (BIA)—community, customers, environment, governance, and workers—are amongst the global top 5% in their corresponding size group. These businesses are proving that competing not only to be the best in the world, but the best for the world, is a winning strategy, and they can lead the way as more businesses continue to join the movement that is transforming the global economy to benefit all people, communities, and the planet. This year, Beneficial State Bank, City First Bank, Spring Bank, Sunrise Banks, and Virginia Community Capital were among the banks named Best for the World.
Small Business Administration